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DAYMUNC
Background Guide
African Unity


Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the eleventh annual Dayton Model United Nations Conference (DAYMUNC) and the African Union (AU). My name is Sunna Babar and it is an honor to serve as your director, on this, my fifth year of participation at this conference. My first year, I represented Germany in the Economic and Social Council. I served, in my second year, on staff as co-director for the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and other Related Intolerances. The year after, I was chair for the Johannesburg Conference and finally, I was the director of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. In addition to all my DAYMUNC experience, I have had four years of experience as a delegate at the National Model United Nations Conference in New York City. Your committee topics are as follows: 

I. Creation and Implementation of an African Union Peace Keeping Force 

II. Strengthening African Economies Through Good Governance 

III. The Impact of Poverty on Environmental Sustainability 

I am confident that all of you will be up-to-task in familiarizing yourself with your country and the committee topics. Please do not hesitate to contact me if you have any questions or concerns. I look forward to meeting all of you at the conference! 

Sincerely, 

Sunna K. Babar, Director (gradsunna@yahoo.com

Chair: Chris Leapley

Rapporteur: Ginette Ninon

Note: Membership limited to African Nations


“The peace and stability in our Continent is a precondition for economic and social development of Africa. Thus, it is imperative that we continue to seek sustainable solutions to the establishment of peace, security and stability in the Continent in order to direct our attention to the development and consolidation of democracy.” -H.E. Joaquim Chissanó, President of the Republic of Mozambique & Current Chairman of the African Union. (1) 

Introduction 

The African Union (AU) was established on September 9th, 1999 via the Sirte Declaration by the Organization for African Unity (OAU). The OAU originated with objectives that included the removal of colonization and apartheid, the fostering of intercontinental developmental cooperation and the promotion of strong ties with the international community. (2) Over time, the OAU has demonstrated its desire to achieve these goals with the following notable examples: The New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), the Lagos Plan of Action and collective action within the organization to fight against AIDS and international terrorism. 

Post Cold War, the influence of African nations has receded. In order to demonstrate the importance the African continent has in international relations, African leaders realize that a renewed focus of unity is required. This is a critical component in the formation of the new body. In time, there are hopes that the AU will be able to establish an identity separate from the OAU by the eventual creation of a common bank and currency, a shared parliament and a court of justice. (3) 

There are many obstacles that challenge the renewed goals of the AU. The myriad of cultures and customs that inhabit the continent, ongoing internal conflict and lack of economic unity are just some of the issues that must be overcome in order to create the united front necessary for achieving a status similar to that of the European Union (EU). Whether the issues are social, political, environmental or global, the solutions exist in the creation of long lasting, stable, and peaceful security for the African continent. 


I. Creating an AU peacekeeping force 

From the horrific slaughter of Rwandans to the unimaginable atrocities in Somalia, the African continent has been a hotspot of instability. The list continues with conflicts in Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire and Burundi that have killed hundreds of thousands of people, the majority of who are civilians. (4) This status quo has pulled many peacekeepers from around the world to the shores of Africa in an effort to regain control over the regional and ethnic conflicts that have no concept of state boundaries and no viable end in sight. 

Peacekeeping Operations, or PKOs, are defined exactly as the name suggests. They are soldiers sent to keep the peace between two or more countries that have already agreed upon terms of that peace. (5) Only one peacekeeping mission, however, on the African continent has fit this definition, and that was the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea over border control in 1998. All other insurgencies on the African continent have resulted from civil war or socio-economic strife. Because of this, peace treaties are virtually unenforceable in Africa as most leaders are unable to control all of the factions within their territories. 

Many of the existing peacekeepers no longer wish to entangle their soldiers in these ethnic and territorial conflicts because they usurp resources and manpower. According to the United Nations, in 1993, eight of the top ten contributors to peacekeeping missions were developed countries. (6) As of August of 2003, Ukraine, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa and Nigeria were five of the largest contributors, allowing for only two percent of all peacekeeping personnel to be from the five permanent members of the Security Council: the United States, France, Russia, Great Britain and China. (7) 

Many countries cite the “Somalia Effect” as a reason to keep their soldiers out of harm’s way. (8) The Somalia effect was coined after United States’ Army Rangers suffered a huge loss of life while accompanying food caravans deep into Somalia in 1993. Very few countries will ever forget the picture of the soldier dragged through the middle of town as a symbol of rebelliousness against peacekeeping forces and humanitarian intervention. 

The creation of an African peace keeping force has been discussed by the world community for many years as an answer to this problem. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that it is imperative that Africa create a “comprehensive response” to the conflicts before, during and after they occur. (9) The Security Council added that these conflicts ‘threaten regional peace, because massive human dislocation and suffering, perpetuate instability and divert resources from long-term development." (10)

Recently, the G-8 recognized Africa as ready to begin the process of protecting its own peace and security. The G-8 guaranteed funding for the creation of this Peacekeeping Force through the African Union. (11) While this is a positive step toward increasing Africa’s capacity to ensure peace and stability, there are still many hurdles to overcome. 

Initially, questions should be asked such as how can the need be avoided for the Peacekeeping soldiers? The African continent has started the process of looking toward a more comprehensive preventative plan of action through negotiation and mediation. With the creation of the AU and bodies such as the New Partnership for African’s Development (NEPAD), the African leaders have made great strides to provide a forum for dialogue. (12) 

If peacekeeping operations cannot be prevented, there are many questions that should be addressed in the planning stages such as how large should the standing force be? How many soldiers are enough? What are the standard operating procedures? Most importantly, however, three things must be determined: who will have supreme control over the force, who will actually make up the demographics of the soldiers and what are the geographic responsibilities of all the parties involved? (13) 

The question of who is in control is a pivotal question to the success of the African peacekeepers. Who decides when it’s time to deploy the soldiers? What circumstances dictate intervention? The original mandate of the Organization for African Unity was based on total respect for sovereignty. Who will have the power to impugn sovereignty if it is at the best interests of the whole continent? Is it wise to have one country with decision making capability? How should other votes be weighted? How does it affect the states involved in the conflict? 

If military capability and general stability are key factors, then it seems that either Nigeria or South Africa would be the most effective choice for leadership. Neither of these two countries, however, have the economic resources to finance or take sole responsibility for a continent wide peace keeping operation. Many other African countries that do not have the resources of South Africa or Nigeria are concerned that these two more powerful countries will not look out for the best interests of the less powerful. (14) 

It is important for the African nations to determine exactly who is to control what aspect because training and equipment issues must be quickly resolved. Will weaponry and equipment become the property of the AU or remain under the control of the supplying country? Who will provide the most expensive machinery and will that country have control over how and when it is used? 

Creating a standing force of soldiers also creates difficulty for the African nations. Many ethnicities are at constant war, making it difficult to find a group of men who are respected enough among all Africans in order to claim and keep control of unstable situations. When peacekeepers enter under the auspices of the United Nations’ flag, people are generally more apt to accept these soldiers as a more benign and neutral power source. Upon entering under the flag of the African Union, the new PKO force will have to cultivate and keep the trust of Africans at all socio-economic levels. The AU must convince the African population to look beyond ethnicity and recognize the unified needs of the continent. 

Some further questions for consideration are: once a peacekeeping force is created, from where should their deployment originate? Should geographic responsibilities be divided in order to placate the ethnic rivalries? Who maintains regional control? How closely should the new peacekeepers be associated with the United Nations? 

Creating a standing peace keeping force within the African continent that successfully encompasses the needs of each state is a challenge on multiple political and socio-economic levels. By committing to funding, the international community has expressed its support in the AU’s capacity to make this happen. It is now up to the African Union to demonstrate its ability to keep the security of the continent a primary focus of policy and action. 


II. Strengthening African economies through good governance

 Strong, unified economies are another critical component in establishing a more stable and secure AU. The implementation of good governance is seen as a means to develop these strong economies, since it leads to transparency and economic development. The establishment of good governance has also been used as a stipulation by the international community, i.e., donor countries that financially assist African countries. 

The term good governance can be defined as the proper management of official duties. This in and of itself envelopes complex concepts. Simply put, however, good governance refers to how a country is governed, in terms of policy that is carried out, the distribution of power and the means in which authority is exercised. Organizations such as the World Bank and the IMF show how social resources are used as a means to strengthen political power and support social and economic development. This is pivotal in demonstrating that there is a correlation between the political governance of a country and the level of economic development. 

Few AU countries will ignore that a stronger central economy is a means to strengthen the AU overall. The playing field is far from level, however, as industrialization is occurring in different phases. A weak management system in many countries has led to private company integration and nationalization in a hastened and careless manner. Other factors that have led to the current day situation include the use of weak industrial models that are of little use, the emphasis of short-term commercial benefits (as opposed to securing long term economic stability) and the resulting unfavorable economic climate to private investors. This touches on just the surface of the many hurdles that face most of the continent today. 

It is important to carefully decipher the myriad of economic statistics in regards to the African economic situation. Many times, the data used for statistics is provided by the African countries themselves, leading one to suspect the reliability. In the end, however, economic failure in Africa is crystal clear. Africa’s overall GDP in the past 15 years has significantly contracted, its share of total world trade has fallen by fifty percent and external debt has increased twenty times over. (15) Adding to the economic plight are factors such as the decrease of rural population, rising unemployment, ongoing fiscal crises, the collapse of the banking system and capital flight. Put together, it is safe to assume that current economic policy has failed. How are AU countries facing these obstacles? What actions have been taken to curb the trends that are factoring into this crisis? Is it more feasible for each country to individually assess their own situation, or is a group solution required? 

Africa has been subject to external influence for most of modern history. Countries have been traded between various poles of power, taking the fate and control of Africa out of the hands of those living in the land. The creation of the OAU in 1963 was significant in emphasizing the independence from controlling European colonial powers. (16) The issue at the time was not if the newly established countries were actually capable of self-governance, but whether they were viewed as sovereign states. Can a balance be reached between the AU and the international community that will put the AU on the right track, without compromising sovereignty and without recalling past colonial influence? 

The World Bank and the IMF were first used in the 1980s as a means to provide sorely needed financial assistance to the African continent. A great deal of effort was put forth by these organizations to promote structural adjustment programs (SAPs). The World Bank concluded that while the actions that took place provided a resemblance of economic recovery, they fell short of providing the foundation necessary to strengthen economies. (17) The conclusion was that political democratization is a must for the creation of economic development and growth. What actions can the AU take to promote such political change? How can a universal approach be development whilst respecting the sovereignty of each individual country? 

The term “Washington Consensus” came about as a means to describe the economic and political reform conditions set forth by donor countries in exchange for rescheduling debt payments. (18) The following are some of the main policies set forth from such plans of action: fiscal discipline, tax reform, a competitive exchange rate, trade liberalization, privatization, deregulation, securing of property rights, corporate governance, anti-corruption, flexible labor markets, WTO agreements, social safety nets and targeted poverty reduction. (19) 

This is not just a simple laundry list, but rather an embodiment of the myriad of issues that require the placement and practice of good government. How will individual countries within the AU achieve these objectives? Will each country deal with them on their own, and then work as a group overall? Or should the AU set forth a plan of action for the entire continent to follow? 

What is needed to improve governance? The crackdown on corruption is absolutely essential. The shift needs to move away from a paternalistic relationship between those who governed and those who are being governed. This can already be seen by the actions of African leaders such as Jerry Rawlings of Ghana, Nicephore Soglo of Benin and Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso. For such efforts to prove fruitful, more AU countries must take similar action by following a universal standard of practice in regards to property rights and curb practices such as bribery and other illegal public practices. 

Improved governance can be achieved through the more effective allocation of tax revenues, use of national resources to encourage infrastructure and potential implementation and practice of social programs. Can the AU help promote policies that will focus on human resources development, democratization, and effective money managing practices? What about cooperation between the continent itself? Can the AU work to coordinate commercial and trade policies via transparency? Can this further the already ongoing cooperation at the sub-regional level through trade groups such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)? Cooperation among all AU countries can only serve to strengthen the economic policies, thus decreasing dependence on the international community, and furthering the overall goals of the AU. 


III. Impact of poverty on environmental sustainability

There is a complicated connection of cause and effect between poverty, the dynamics of population, natural resource consumption and environmental degradation. For the countries in the AU, the problems between poverty and environment are inseparable. Poverty causes the development of population problems that cause a strain on natural resources that exacerbate poverty. An increase in population leads to an increase in consumption which is a total detriment to the environment. 

The 1972 Stockholm Conference highlighted the relationship between development and the environment. (20) This has been a source of great concern for the international community. One particular part of the declaration hits home to the plight of many on the African continent: 

In the developing countries most of the environmental problems are caused by under-development. Millions continue to live far below the minimum levels required for a decent human existence, deprived of adequate food and clothing, shelter and education, health and sanitation. Therefore, the developing countries must direct their efforts to development, bearing in mind their priorities and the need to safeguard and improve the environment. For the same purpose, the industrialized countries should make efforts to reduce the gap themselves and the developing countries. In the industrialized countries, environmental problems are generally related to industrialization and technological development. (21)

Simply put, the negative impact on human population will have a negative impact on the environmental population. The creation and implementation of Agenda 21 has dealt with the delicate relationship between humans and nature. (22) The establishment, however, of political blocs, globalization and technological progress has given advantages and progress to some countries, while leaving others further behind. What can the AU do to keep from falling further behind? How can a balance be achieved between ensuring environmental sustainability without further burdening and impoverished population? 

The World Bank is one organization that is working to capture the linkage between poverty and the environment. The World Bank’s Africa Region Environmental Strategy (ARES) seeks to find the links between poverty and environmental sustainability, in order to provide its financial partners with information to promote developmental partnerships. (23) Instruments such as Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) and Poverty Reduction Strategy Credits (PRSCs) are tools to channel World Bank aid. It is imperative that the monitoring, analysis and assessment of the situation be factored for action to take place. Such actions in Nigeria have provided information to further understand the sources and implications of rural poverty. Environmental sustainability and management capacity are the focus in Uganda and Tanzania. 

African economies are very dependant on agriculture, and rain fall is a critical component. Because most of the continent consists of arid and semi-arid land, the issue of water resource management is one topic that should warrant special consideration. How is the AU taking into consideration actions such as irrigation, and hydroelectric development? Can programs such as the highly ambitious 10-Country Nile Basin Initiative foster regional cooperation and transboundry environmental action? 

Conflict management on the delicate lands of Africa is another factor in sustainable livelihoods. Thirty nine percent of the population live on fragile dry lands. Governmental policies tend to promote agricultural expansion at the expense of those living with smaller means as well as acting as a detriment to the environment. To deal with this issue, sustainable land management plans have been implemented with success. These would include the Niger Community Action Program, the Ghana Northern Savannah Biodiversity Conservation Project and the Tanzania Forest Conservation. 

Progress and failure, however, are evident in Africa. Since the advent of Agenda 21, awareness has been brought to the fragile nature of the environment and the depletion of natural resources. Countries are taking action to implement programs on a political, social and regulatory scale; other problems, however, still exist. One example is the low level of literacy, compounded by stymied access to education. Access to drinking water is seen as variable to education, yet only fifty-eight percent of the population that access, keeping the impoverished poor. Food security is at a critical low, and economies are declining in quantity and quality. 

How can the AU solicit the attention and support it needs from the international community, as set forth not only in Agenda 21 (developmental assistance), but also at the Johannesburg Summit? How will the AU set forth a plan of implementation and focus not just on the issues of poverty, but the issues of environmental sustainability that are often a stipulation of aid? 

The AU can look to its continent to see examples of where too little focus on poverty has been a detriment to the sustainability of the environment, and vice-versa. How can countries of the AU that have been successful with their programs designed to balance the aforementioned take action to share their knowledge? How can the AU promote cooperation and transparency to further implement such initiatives? The ultimate goal is to realize that long-term strategy is key to curbing the detrimental impact of poverty on environmental sustainability.


Conclusion

The African Union is not without any sort of foundation set forth by the actions of the OAU. Even a cursory look at the work of the OAU shows that in a relatively short period of time, many issues have been looked reviewed and solutions implemented. A great deal of work, however, has been left to the AU, and it faces many hurdles amidst many great expectations. 

Can the countries of the AU work side-by-side, even with the differences in development, culture, religion and political processes? Can some of these differences be put aside in order to go forth on the “Quest for Unity”? In the words of Secretary General Annan, “"let us be careful not to mistake hope for achievement." 


Notes: 

1. Speech By H.E. President Joaquim Chissano at the opening of The AU Assembly, Maputo, 10 July 2003. <http://www.africa-union.org/home/Welcome.htm>  

2. African Union. <http://www.africa-union.org/home/Welcome.htm>  

3. Ibid. 

4. United Nations. <http://www.un.org>  

5. United Nations Department of Peacekeeping
<http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/home.shtml>  

6. Africa Builds its Own Peace Forces by Earnest Harsch
<http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/afrec/vol117no3/173peace.htm>  

7. Ibid. 

8. Ibid. 

9. UN Security Council Focuses Spotlight on African Conflicts by Margaret Novicki
<http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/afrec/subjindx/112peack.htm>  

10. Ibid. 

11. University of Toronto: G8 Information Centre. <http://www.g7.utoronto.ca/>  

12. NEPAD (The New Partnership for African Development)
<http://www.nepadsn.org/entry.html> 

13. A Regional Peacekeeping Role for South Africa: Pressures, Problems, and Prognosis
by Jackie Cilliers and Mark Millian
<http://www.iss.co.za.nepadsn.org/entry.html>  

14. Ibid. 

15. The World Bank Group in Sub-Saharan Africa.<http://www.worldbank.org/afr/>  

16. Creation of the OAU. <http://www.oar-creation.com/>   

17. Ibid 

18. The Global Trade Negotiations Home Page
<http://www.cid.harvard.edu/cidtrade/issues/washington.html>  

19. Ibid. 

20. United Nations Environment Programme.
<http://www.unep.org/Documents/Default.sap?DocumentID=97>  

21. Ibid 

22. United Nations Division for Sustainable Development
<http://www.un.org/esa/sustdev/documents/agenda21/index.htm> 

23. Ibid. 

Suggestions for Further Research Africa in General: 

AfricaOnline <http://www.africaonline.com/site/>

AFRICA (extension information on Africa provided by the Public Broadcasting Service)
<http://www.pbs.org/wnet/africa/

Africa Action Online <http://www.africaaction.org/index.php>

Access to news and information provided by the Washington Post African Union
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/world/africa

Africa Union:

African Union <http://www.africa-union.org>

BBC News Q&A on the AU News <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/1430504.htm>

News:

BBC News <http://news.bbc.co.uk>

Internet Public Library: Newspapers (from around the world)
<http://www.ipl.org/div/news/

Reuter’s News Service <http://www.reuters.com>

The PanAfrican News Agency <http://www.panapress.com/index.asp?code=eng&dte=02/11/2003>